Change in the Palestinian Authority
Al-Ittihad, UAE, May 4
The Israeli government is closely monitoring the Palestinian leadership’s recent efforts to adopt new positions and directions in response to proposals discussed at the latest Arab Summit. These proposals emphasized the need to modernize the Palestinian Authority’s institutions, many of which suffer from a legitimacy crisis due to the prolonged absence of presidential and legislative elections—an issue that has deeply impacted their functionality.
The Palestinian Central Council has been entrusted with various responsibilities, operating under the direct supervision of President Mahmoud Abbas. However, the core issue is not the appointment of a vice president, as seen with Hussein al-Sheikh, but rather the lack of genuine reform across the Palestinian political system. This system must be overhauled to reflect the realities and changes expected in the near future, regardless of whether a consensus is reached to end the war in Gaza or whether significant shifts unfold in the West Bank.
Whether Abbas embraces reform or continues offering nominal adjustments without substance, the status quo, marked by a strategic tug-of-war with Hamas, demonstrates that the Authority requires more than symbolic changes.
On the international front, the US administration remains unencumbered by Israeli pressure in its dealings. The recent involvement of Adam Boehler, the American envoy for hostage negotiations, affirms that Hamas is operating with strategic and tactical intent. In turn, the Palestinian Authority is grappling with the implications of Hamas’s influence, attempting to reassert its role as a legitimate international actor.
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Yet, tensions between the Palestinian factions and the Authority have rendered meaningful cooperation nearly impossible, especially given Israel’s strategic containment of the Authority’s movements in the West Bank. This reality points to the potential need for either a transformation of the Authority or its replacement with a more accountable body.
Still, Israel remains deeply concerned about a power vacuum should the current leadership collapse, wary of possible internal conflict, even as al-Sheikh begins to assume a more prominent role. This moment calls for deliberate preparation, as Israel appears intent on shaping the post-conflict landscape in both Gaza and the West Bank.
However, addressing these developments requires more than choosing a successor to Abbas. The issue is structural: a dysfunctional foundation of governance that Israel itself understands all too well. The broader political environment remains in flux, without a clearly defined path forward. This demands a flexible, pragmatic response that enables the Authority to evolve and regain credibility.
The revival of Palestinian institutions depends on restoring their legitimacy, setting priorities, and rejecting internal narratives—especially from within Fatah—that claim elections are unfeasible under current conditions, a claim that, while understandable, cannot justify inaction.
What is needed is a comprehensive reimagining of institutional legitimacy, beginning with the Central Council and extending across the organizational structure of the Palestine Liberation Organization. This reform should be inclusive, but without becoming mired in the debate over formally integrating Hamas or Islamic Jihad—groups that currently show no interest in joining, due to their own agendas and strategic calculations.
Ultimately, using the excuse of the status quo to justify stagnation is untenable. Israel’s strategy of entrenching the current reality, including measures such as withholding tax and customs revenues and facilitating US aid cuts to PA institutions, reveals a broader campaign to weaken the Authority. These tactics aim to dry up the PA’s financial resources and perpetuate its erosion on the ground, reinforcing the urgent need for transformative action rather than reactive maneuvering.
Tarek Fahmy (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)
