El-Sisi Calls for Egyptian-Israeli Peace To Serve as Regional Model
The president’s remarks highlight enduring state-to-state cooperation even as public sentiment in Egypt remains wary of normalization with Israel
In a recent speech that drew wide attention across the Middle East, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi said the decades-old peace between Egypt and Israel could serve as a model for the entire region. His remarks come as the Gaza war enters its second year, regional alliances shift, and Donald Trump’s return to the White House signals possible changes in American Middle East policy.
A Peace Between States, Not People
The 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel marked a historic shift in the region, but experts say its success has remained limited to state-level relations without fostering genuine normalization between people.
Samir Ragheb, chairman of the Arab Foundation for Development and Strategic Studies, offered a candid assessment: “The peace treaty has worked well between governments. Relations between the Egyptian state and Israeli state function. But between the people of both countries? That hasn’t worked. So-called normalization just isn’t normal. The peace treaty prevents war but doesn’t build relationships between ordinary citizens in either country,” he told The Media Line.
The peace treaty prevents war but doesn’t build relationships between ordinary citizens in either country
Ragheb said public sentiment remains deeply shaped by Israeli actions in Palestinian territories: “Israel hasn’t given us the chance to forget its violence against innocent people. We aren’t against a nation’s right to protect its citizens, its land. But we oppose the killing of innocent civilians,” he added.
Political analyst Walid Kazziha, a former professor at the American University in Cairo, echoed the view, adding that Israeli policies have complicated Egypt’s position. “Netanyahu is putting Arab governments in an embarrassing position. He’s forcing them onto the defensive. The occupation of that part of Gaza bordering Egypt has definitely put Sisi’s regime on the defensive against criticism from his own people and from Arabs generally,” he told The Media Line.
Military Coordination Amid Public Tension
Despite the cool diplomatic ties and negative public opinion, Egypt and Israel maintain robust military coordination, which remains a stabilizing factor in a volatile relationship.
“Yes, there’s very good coordination,” Ragheb said when asked about intelligence cooperation. “Without solid coordination at multiple levels—from communications officers to the high committee for military relations between Egypt and Israel—without this, we could have war triggered by any mistake,” he explained.
Along the shared border from the Mediterranean to Taba, coordination is constant, Ragheb noted. “And there’s reasonable tolerance for unintentional mistakes from both sides.”
Kazziha pushed back against Israeli suggestions that Egypt’s military is becoming a threat: “From my perspective, Egypt is gradually increasing its military positions and capabilities—which is entirely natural. But the Israelis exaggerate this to claim, ‘Look, Egypt is building powerful military forces to attack Israel.’ Egypt has no such intentions,” he said.
He added: “I think the Israelis are overstating Egyptian military developments to convince the Americans they need more support in terms of weapons.”
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Beneath the political tensions, economic cooperation between Egypt and Israel has continued—and even grown. Trade reportedly rose by more than 60% during the Gaza war.
“From the very beginning, trade between Egypt and Israel has continued regardless of political circumstances,” Ragheb said. “Through multiple conflicts in 2008, 2014, 2018, 2022, 2024—trade continues despite tensions or deteriorating relations between our countries.”
Key sectors, including agriculture and gas, have remained closely linked. Israeli products often enter Egypt discreetly, Ragheb added, “sold as if from another country—labeled as made in China or the United Arab Emirates. The average consumer doesn’t realize they’re from Israel,” he said.
The Trump Factor and a Changing Middle East
El-Sisi’s remarks come as the region adjusts to Trump’s reelection, which Arab leaders believe could bring both pressure and opportunity in their relations with Israel.
“Yes, there’s definitely a Trump effect,” Ragheb said. “Unlike Democrats who have domestic political considerations, Trump is openly pro-Israel, not secretly. He’ll make decisions that strengthen Israel’s position, even at neighbors’ expense.”
Kazziha offered a more nuanced view: “There’s a feeling in the region that Trump probably isn’t pleased with the situation in Gaza and the Middle East generally, given Netanyahu’s approach of endless conflict and hostility toward Arab parties. But I think Netanyahu has overplayed his hand,” he said.
Arab nations are lining up, seemingly preparing the ground for Trump by showing … they’re quite willing to accommodate Israel’s legitimate interests in the region
Arab leaders seem to be adjusting accordingly. “Arab nations are lining up, seemingly preparing the ground for Trump by showing—whether Syrians, Egyptians, or Jordanians—that they’re quite willing to accommodate Israel’s legitimate interests in the region,” Kazziha said.
The Path Forward: Two-State Solution
Both experts agree that a sustainable peace will require recognizing Palestinian statehood.
“Ordinary, rational people don’t expect a Palestinian state from the sea to the river. They accept the principle of two states,” Ragheb said. “If Israel recognizes Palestinians’ right to statehood and independence, then everything might change—even relations between our people.”
He emphasized that any solution would have to be based on the 1967 borders: “Two states living peacefully, coexisting.”
Public Opinion and the Absence of Protests
Unlike the widespread protests seen in Western cities, Arab countries, including Egypt, have seen relatively little public mobilization over the Gaza war.
“In Egypt, we have laws prohibiting demonstrations without permission,” Ragheb said. “Any unauthorized demonstration subjects participants to legal consequences—potentially custody or charges of political crimes.”
Kazziha traced this broader trend back to the region’s political history: “Arab public opinion has been subdued by pressure from Arab regimes themselves. Over time, Arab citizens generally have come to feel powerless and defenseless. They believe their actions won’t make much difference.”
He linked today’s political mood to the failures of the Arab Spring: “The Arab Spring gave hope to a new generation that things could change. But ultimately it failed because Arab regimes, with Western powers’ support, contained that vibrant movement and brought it to a standstill,” he said.
A New Middle East Taking Shape
El-Sisi’s call for Egyptian-Israeli peace to serve as a model comes during what appears to be a broader regional realignment, with developments including Syria’s shifting stance toward Israel, changes in Palestinian Authority leadership, Jordan’s crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, and Hezbollah’s diminished presence in southern Lebanon.
“Yes, we’re entering a new era in the Middle East,” Ragheb said, recalling that when President Anwar Sadat signed the Camp David Accords in 1978, the Arab world rejected his peace initiative. “Now, Israel is widely recognized. We have at least nine Arab countries with peace treaties with Israel through the Abraham Accords, and more could happen.”
Kazziha was less optimistic: “The Middle East is moving toward eliminating the last remnants of any force that might radically change the region’s political or economic landscape. Power remains concentrated in the hands of Arab regimes, Israel, and Western powers with regional influence, especially the United States.”
El-Sisi’s vision of Egyptian-Israeli peace as a regional model will be tested in this changing landscape. Military and intelligence ties between Egypt and Israel remain strong, and economic relations continue despite political tensions. Yet the absence of real people-to-people normalization, and the unresolved Palestinian issue, still cast long shadows over the relationship.
Personally, I believe in this principle: I don’t hate Israeli people. I hate the decisions of the Israeli government and cabinet—not ordinary citizens.
As Ragheb put it: “Personally, I believe in this principle: I don’t hate Israeli people. I hate the decisions of the Israeli government and cabinet—not ordinary citizens. So if the Israeli government could shift to something new, probably all the Arab world may see the country differently in the future.”
The distinction between governments and peoples remains at the heart of the Egyptian-Israeli dynamic—and will shape whether el-Sisi’s vision can succeed.
